Despite persistent protests and demands from the West, there is no sign that the world's most populous country will cut ties with Russia, according to journalist and political analyst Nitin Gokhale.
Mr Gokhale explains that the two countries have a long history of mutual trust and that India has never had reason to complain about Russia or its predecessor, the Soviet Union, and that Western pressure is unlikely to change this.
– Russia stood by India, India stood by Russia, he said in an interview with Russian state broadcaster RT, pointing out that Russian President Vladimir Putin and India's prime minister also share a "special bond of friendship".
The US and its allies have long demanded that India condemn Russia for the war in Ukraine - but India has refused to do so, and instead of cutting off trade it has increased its purchases of Russian oil at a discounted price.
"Strengthened co-operation"
Earlier, India's foreign minister, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, also said that Indian purchases of Russian oil and coal have helped stabilise the global energy market - a stance disliked by the Western establishment.
According to Mr Gokhale, the US and its allies would have preferred India to remain a "a chaotic democracy led by a weak leader" and are said to view with disfavour the country's "rise" and increased cooperation with Russia and others.
During the ongoing BRICS meeting, Prime Minister Modi also praised the "close coordination and deep friendship" between New Delhi and Moscow, and hoped to develop this further.
– We’re seeing a strengthening of cooperation between our legislatures; our foreign ministers are in constant contact, and bilateral trade is showing good dynamics, said Russian President Vladimir Putin.
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Trump's tariffs have reversed trade patterns. China has now overtaken the US as Germany's most important trading partner – just one year after losing the top position.
China has reclaimed first place as Germany's largest trading partner. During the first eight months of the year, trade with China reached €163.4 billion, compared to €162.8 billion for the US, according to preliminary figures from the German statistical office, reports Reuters.
It's a rapid reversal. The US was Germany's largest trading partner in 2024, breaking an eight-year period of Chinese dominance. The shift came as Germany actively tried to reduce its dependence on China, citing political differences and unfair trade practices.
But Donald Trump's return to the White House and renewed tariffs have changed the dynamics.
Tariffs hit hard
German exports to the US fell by 7.4 percent during the first eight months of the year to €99.6 billion. In August, exports dropped by as much as 23.5 percent compared to the previous year.
— There is no question that US tariff and trade policy is an important reason for the decline in sales, says Dirk Jandura, chairman of the German Association for Foreign Trade (BGA).
He notes that American demand for classic German export goods such as cars, machinery and chemicals has decreased.
Chinese imports increase
While exports to China fell by 13.5 percent, imports from China increased by 8.3 percent to €108.8 billion.
— The renewed import boom from China is worrying, says Carsten Brzeski, global head of macroeconomics at ING. Particularly as data shows that these imports come at dumping prices.
He warns that this increases Germany's dependence on China and could put additional pressure on key industries where China has become a major competitor.
Former U.S. Ambassador to China Nicholas Burns believes that one of China's greatest advantages is the Chinese Communist Party's ability to think strategically and long-term.
Nicholas Burns, who served as U.S. Ambassador to China for three years, argues that the Western world has systematically underestimated the Chinese superpower's capabilities in technology, military, and infrastructure.
In a recent interview, the experienced diplomat highlights several areas where China is far ahead of the United States – and warns that American policymakers still fail to see the full gravity of the situation from the perspective of U.S. strategic interests.
Nicholas Burns, 68, concluded his tenure as U.S. Ambassador to China in January 2025 after three intense years in Beijing. With a long career in American diplomacy behind him – having served under six presidents and nine secretaries of state – he returned to Harvard University where he is a professor of diplomacy and international relations.
Now he speaks openly about his experiences and observations from his time in China. And the picture he paints is more alarming than many are willing to acknowledge.
Impressive infrastructure
— We've underestimated Chinese power in the world, Burns states bluntly. As an example, he highlights China's high-speed rail system:
— Those trains are fabulous. We rode those trains. You know, you can go from Beijing to Shanghai in four and a half hours.
The distance is over a thousand kilometers, he points out, drawing a clear comparison with the American rail system Amtrak:
— We have Amtrak's just not like that.
But it is in scientific and technological capacity that Burns sees the greatest challenge.
— That's the coin of the realm in our decade, he says and continues:
— In the next few decades. Which society will turn out more scientists and engineers?
Former US ambassador to China Nicholas Burns shakes hands with Xu Kunlin, governor of Jiangsu Province in China during a meeting in 2023. Photo: US Department of State
"Alarming" education statistics
The statistics he presents are striking. 34 percent of first-year students at Chinese universities study engineering or STEM fields (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics). In the United States, the corresponding figure is 5.6 percent.
— And they're a much bigger country, Burns adds.
He also points to a peculiar paradox in American society. At Harvard's graduation ceremony, where he himself teaches, the pattern is clear:
— At Harvard graduation, where I teach, when we ask our graduate students to stand up as a class, chemistry majors, biology majors, physics majors, largely Asian Americans, Some American citizens, excuse me, Asians, American citizens of Asian ethnicity or Chinese.
The same pattern is visible in business.
— Last week, when President Trump gathered all the tech titans of the United States in the White House, tremendous number of those tech titans are Indian Americans and Chinese Americans, Burns says.
His conclusion is scathing:
— We're not competing when it really matters for the future. And that's on technology.
Overlooked military strength
Burns also addresses the Chinese military, the People's Liberation Army (PLA), whose capabilities he believes the Western world underestimates.
— Some people have said, well, it hasn't fought since 1978. What is what it's worth? I've seen the PLA, he says firmly.
— I think we've underestimated their military strength, their technology strength.
FMR U.S AMBASSADOR TO CHINA: "WE'VE UNDERESTIMATED CHINA'S POWER"
Nicholas Burns:
"Those trains are fabulous - you can go from Beijing to Shanghai in 4 1/2 hours, over 1000 kilometers. We have Amtrak, and it's just not like that.
One of China's greatest advantages, according to Burns, is the Chinese Communist Party's ability to think strategically and long-term.
— The Communist Party of China is strategic and they don't have to worry about, you know, we want to worry about what the press says. I mean, that's a good thing to have the press challenging the government. They have nobody opposing them. And so they can make big bets over 10, 20, 30 years.
As an example, he mentions China's systematic Africa policy:
— For 35 consecutive years, the Chinese foreign minister, whoever that person is, has made his first trip of the year in January to Africa to show the Africans you are our priority.
The contrast with the United States is striking.
— I think President Trump never went to Africa in his first term. President Biden went once to Angola for two or three days in December, at the very end of his term, Burns says.
His conclusion is unequivocal:
— They're strategic, and we're not competing on that level. So actually, I think the Chinese technology military economics are stronger than we think they are. And I think we've underestimated them, and we can't do that any longer.
Swedish citizens will soon be able to travel to China without a visa. This was announced by Swedish Foreign Minister Maria Malmer Stenergård (M) during a visit to Beijing.
Sweden has until now been one of few European countries lacking visa-free entry to China, despite most other nations on the continent having gained access to the new rules.
— This is very welcome news, and businesses in particular have been requesting this for a long time. We don't know the details regarding implementation or exact design, but I expect we will have this shortly. But as I understand it, it will cover Swedish citizens, Stenergård told publicly funded broadcaster SVT.
In July this year, China expanded its visa-free policy to cover a total of 74 countries, where citizens can visit the country for up to 30 days without a visa. Nearly all of Europe is included in the agreement, but Sweden and the United Kingdom have until now remained outside.
For Swedish travelers and businesses, the change represents a major relief, as visa applications were previously time-consuming and costly.
— Swedish companies have unfortunately been affected by excessive red tape for a long time, not least at the EU level, she says.
This is an opinion piece. The author is responsible for the views expressed in the article.
China’s Victory Day parade in early September drew wide attention both at home and abroad. While Chinese audiences saw it as a solemn moment of remembrance and confidence, some foreign media outlets rushed to label it a “show of force,” a “signal to the West,” or even evidence of new global division.
These interpretations ignore the deeper significance of the event and the consistent principles guiding China’s approach to global affairs.
At its heart, the parade was an act of remembrance—marking China’s victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the global triumph over fascism. It was a tribute to the sacrifices of millions and a powerful reminder that peace is never easily won.
The presence of numerous foreign leaders in Beijing during the parade was a statement in itself. They were there not to take sides or escalate tensions, but to stand together in honoring the past and fostering a future built on peace. Their participation underscored a shared commitment to dialogue, not division.
Building capabilities to uphold principles
The weapons and equipment displayed at the parade should be understood within the framework of China’s long-standing defense policy, one based on peace and restraint.
Consider China’s nuclear posture: China remains the only nuclear-weapon state to publicly commit to a No-First-Use policy under any circumstances. This reflects a profound belief that nuclear weapons must never be used, and that a nuclear war can have no winners. China’s nuclear arsenal is kept strictly at the minimum level required for national security.
In terms of conventional forces, the unveiling of new-generation tanks, aircraft, and missile systems such as hypersonic weapons does showcase progress in China’s military modernization. Yet this progress is guided by a doctrine of active self-defense. These systems are designed to protect sovereignty and territorial integrity, not to project power globally. They serve as an anchor for national security and a stabilizer for regional security, deterring interference rather than provoking conflict.
The parade also featured unmanned and AI-enabled systems, highlighting China’s progress in technology and innovation. Importantly, this display went hand-in-hand with China’s call for international dialogue on regulating military uses of artificial intelligence. China has consistently advocated for a balanced approach—one that prevents misuse and humanitarian risks without stifling beneficial technological progress.
A message for the future
Yes, the parade was grand in scale. Yes, it displayed advanced weaponry systems. But above all, it conveyed a message of responsibility, transparency, and an enduring commitment to peace.
In times of rising mistrust and uncertainty, that message carries weight. The real choice before the international community is not between holding parades or staying silent, but between pursuing dialogue or confrontation, cooperation or suspicion. By honoring history and demonstrating its defensive posture, China has extended a hand of reassurance, not a fist of provocation.
The lesson of history is clear: peace is built through openness, cooperation, and mutual respect. This parade was, in that spirit, a step forward—a visible pledge of China’s dedication to a peaceful and stable world.
Hua Gesheng
About the author
Hua Gesheng is a commentator on international and multilateral affairs, writing regularly for Xinhua News Agency, Global Times, China Daily, CGTN, etc.
